Short answer: at the bottom of the answer.
- Workers at some factories make low wages and work under oppressive conditions. At some places they had to put nets at the top of the building so people wouldn’t commit suicide from stress and exhaustion. The reason U.S. companies located in China was because of the savings on labor costs. Now, the infrastructure of China is also well designed for manufacturing. But the human cost has been high. There are union-like grievance committees, but these are weak compared to normal unions. Anyone attempting to unionize is repressed. This is the opposite of what Mao Zedong believed. The purpose of socialism is to liberate people from these conditions.
- Until 2010 the level of inequality was very high, much higher than it should be for a socialist country. Now things are improving, and plans are being made to address that. That is good.
- Neo-Maoists in China are persecuted as if they were fascists or Western democratizers. Ironic that the nation founded by Mao would be punishing those who want to return to Maoism. This is intolerable.
- There are some Chinese people who say that “We don’t care about ‘ism’s,’ we just care about making money.” When a nation is terribly poor and trying to pull itself out of hunger, this is a rational approach. However, the problem is that once a nation becomes wealthy it rarely has the ability to stop itself and say “Ok, time to focus on less material acquisition.” Without an underlying ideology like Marxism to bring the people together, the society begins to become too individualistic and atomized. The cohesion of the society erodes. This is why President Xi Jinping is trying to focus on the study of Marxism as an ideology. Confucianism has always been a guiding philosophy, and this is very good. But is it enough? If your raison d’être is hoarding wealth than one day you will have lots of money, and you will ask yourself “How much more do I need? Is this all there is?” How is a system where factory workers slave under worse conditions than their Western counterparts socialism? The
- People have short memories. Plus there has been a strong effort by the Western media and the Chinese elites to characterize the Mao economy as nothing but a disaster and filled with famine. This is untrue. The reality is that the economy was growing but at a slower pace under Mao. After the Deng reforms were implemented the basic social services that any socialist society would expect were stripped away. Before the U.S. co-opted the students at the Tienanmen Square, many of the students were protesting because they were unhappy with the corruption they saw as children of the elites were able to travel and have privileges the common people could not.
China was the most communist, egalitarian country on earth when Mao died. Let’s pause there and see whether communism succeeded or failed:
- Communist China, from 1950–1978, was under the most severe American peacetime embargo in world history. Even food was embargoed, along with finance, technology and international recognition.
- Communist China in 1950 had an industrial base smaller than that of postwar Belgium’s in the ‘50s. In 1978 it was one of the six largest industrial producers in the world.
- Communist China grew national income 500% between 1950-78, from 60 billion RMB to 300 billion RMB, with industry accounting for most of the growth.
- On a per capita basis, the index of national income, at constant prices, in Communist China increased from 120 in 1950 to 440 in 1978.
- From 1957 to 1975, Communist China’s population doubled but per capita national income increased by 63%, more than doubling overall and while laying the foundations for modern industrialism and outpacing every other development takeoff in history:
- In Germany the decadal rate of economic growth 1880-1914 was 33 percent per decade.
- In Japan from 1874-1929 the rate was 43 percent.
- The USSR, between 1928-58 grew 54 percent.
- Communist China between 1952-72 the rate was 64 percent.
- Except for limited Soviet aid in the 1950s, which Communist China repaid in full and with interest by 1966, Communist China’s industrialization proceeded without benefit of foreign loans or investments–under punitive embargoes–yet Communist China emerged with neither foreign debt nor internal inflation.
Without Communist China’s industrial revolution, later economic reformers would have had little to reform because the higher yields obtained on individual family farms during later years would not have been possible without the vast irrigation and flood-control projects–dams, irrigation works and river dikes–constructed by Communist China’s collectivized peasants in the 1950s and 1960s.
By 1978, Communist China compared favorably with middle income countries whose per capita GDP was five times greater. By 1974 Communist China was producing jet aircraft, locomotives, oceangoing ships, ICBMs, hydrogen bombs and satellites and had reunited, reimagined, reformed and revitalized the largest, oldest civilization on earth, modernized it after a century of failed modernizations, liberated more women than anyone in history and ended thousands of years of famine.
No, China didn’t allow limited capitalism because Communism failed, it did so because Mao had warned them that, if China’s economy did not outstrip America’s by 2016, “China will be wiped from the face of the planet.”
So, knowing the capitalism would raise Communist growth from 6.25% per year to 10.5%, the government added capitalism to the economy while keeping its core industries Communist: banking, insurance, finance, railways, education, health and defense. At its core, China is a Communist country with capitalist characteristics.
But didn’t Mao engage in mass killings and terror?
Even the most bitter critics agreed that Mao ended corruption, which blossomed again under Deng.
Mass killing is also untrue. Some landlords were killed by their fellow villagers during Land Reform, mostly for actual crimes like murder and treason. Some people died in faction fighting in the Cultural Revolution.
Claims of mass deaths (not killings) also rest on a dishonest comparison of the normal death-rates after the failure of the Great Leap Forward with the unusually low death rates for the rest of Mao’s rule.
The reason we might need another Mao is the same reason his portrait should not be retired from Tienanmen Square.
The present isn’t inevitable. It wasn’t chiseled in stone that the Communist Party would be in charge of China, or that China would become an economic success. Mao led the Communists to unify China and help it become a great nation. I have heard from conservatives that Mao had this flaw or that, but the man dedicated everything to doing the best he could. And he didn’t do this solely out of a spirit of nationalism. He deeply believed in Marxism and this was his guiding spirit—to engage in class struggle and assist in freeing all of the proletariat of the world, including those in Vietnam, North Korea, and Cambodia.
Can a Communist, who is an internationalist, at the same time be a patriot? We hold that he not only can be but also must be. The specific content of patriotism is determined by historical conditions. There is the “patriotism” of the Japanese aggressors and of Hitler, and there is our patriotism. Communists must resolutely oppose the “patriotism” of the Japanese aggressors and of Hitler. The Communists of Japan and Germany are defeatists with regard to the wars being waged by their countries. To bring about the defeat of the Japanese aggressors and of Hitler by every possible means is in the interests of the Japanese and the German people, and the more complete the defeat the better…. For the wars launched by the Japanese aggressors and Hitler are harming the people at home as well as the people of the world. China’s case, however, is different, because she is the victim of aggression. Chinese Communists must therefore combine patriotism with internationalism. We are at once internationalists and patriots, and our slogan is, “Fight to defend the motherland against the aggressors.” For us defeatism is a crime and to strive for victory in the War of Resistance is an inescapable duty. For only by fighting in defense of the motherland can we defeat the aggressors and achieve national liberation. And only by achieving national liberation will it be possible for the proletariat and other working people to achieve their own emancipation. The victory of China and the defeat of the invading imperialists will help the people of other countries. Thus in wars of national liberation patriotism is applied internationalism.
“The Role of the Chinese Communist Party in the National War” (October 1938), Selected Works, Vol. II, p. 196. *
Despite being dead over 42 years, the spirit of Mao and Maoism remains embedded in the ethos of China, particularly among the older people and the rural people. Increasingly there are students who see the inequality growing around them and are beginning to wonder if perhaps Deng’s reforms have not gone too far.
Man shall not live by bread alone, but by every word that proceedeth out of the mouth of God.
Mao saw the gangrene of bourgeois rot setting in. The Cultural Revolution has been demonized by elites for being disruptive, angry, and confrontational. But regressing as a society into the old elitist patterns that would have resulted in such greed and corruption that the new class of bourgeois elites would have dissolved the state, democratized, privatized, and plundered it themselves to become oligarchs There are fates worse than death, just ask the neoliberal aristocracy in the U.S. and in Russia. Mao resisted this. He hated Khrushchev for de-Stalinizing and defaming Stalin, because this did enormous damage to the cause of international socialism.
Recently there has been a falling off in ideological and political work among students and intellectuals, and some unhealthy tendencies have appeared. Some people seem to think that there is no longer any need to concern oneself with politics or with the future of the motherland and the ideals of mankind. It seems as if Marxism was once all the rage but is currently not so much in fashion. To counter these tendencies, we must strengthen our ideological and political work. Both students and intellectuals should study hard. In addition to the study of their specialized subjects, they must make progress both ideologically and politically, which means that they should study Marxism, current events and politics. Not to have a correct political point of view is like having no soul […] All departments and organizations should shoulder their responsibilities in ideological and political work. This applies to the Communist Party, the Youth League, government departments in charge of this work, and especially to heads of educational institutions and teachers. Ch.12. Little Red Book
Mao believed that the rural people, the common people, could lift themselves up and industrialize the nation. Although there were setbacks, it began the process of preparing the nation for becoming an industrialized power. Mao smashed through the barriers of the past to bring China into the modern world. And the truth is, only Mao could have done that.
Mao is right that class struggle remains important. Through the Cultural Revolution he showed us that becoming a socialist society is not an end goal, but a constant process of renewal. Modern China will grow more reactionary. There will be many elites who lose sight of the people, and for the spirit of Marxism. Then it will be the time for younger comrades, students, and others to engage in another Cultural Revolution to renew the things once again.
Mao made mistakes. Of course he would. Anyone who takes great risks to move forward is going to take a step back now and then. But the lies about Mao are out of proportion to what he did. Anti-communists blame Mao for everything from heartburn to hemorrhoids. Why? Because Comrades like Lenin, Stalin, Che, and Mao must be vilified by the reactionary elements, otherwise their messages and their lives pose threats to the power and privilege of the bourgeoisie, so they must be slandered and shamed out of relevance. Mao saw this happen to Stalin. Then it happened to him. And later, Che too. The script is familiar, “He was a mass murderer,” “he was bloodthirsty,” etc.
Vilifying the great socialist leaders of history is required to maintain imperial oppression. It has happened to all of the great successes.
Is China even socialist? I thought it was capitalist now.
Anti-communists will have you believe that China is no longer socialist, that it is communist in name only. It has taken a direction toward the right, but capitalist and socialist economies are not like being a little bit pregnant. There is a spectrum, and the economy of China is far more socialist than it is capitalist, even by the standards of a social democracy, let alone U.S. neoliberalism. Ironically, people talk about the “Chinese miracle.” But it wasn’t the capitalist part that performed the miracle, not at all. In the American religion of capitalism, it is believed that the fox could rescue the henhouse. In fact, it was the strength of the Communist Party, in its refusal to democratize, privatize, deregulate, offshore, and financialize the economy that led to it becoming so strong.The Soviet Union died because the Communist Party died. It failed to implement term limits, mandatory age of retirement, and anti-corruption measures. From here the ruling elites in the Soviet Union became the elite class that decided it would rather dissolve the state, democratize, Westernize, deregulate, privatize, and plunder the public goods to become oligarchs.
Modern China must continue working to reduce its inequality. There are many who wonder what will happen next, just as the economy surpasses that of the U.S. But it will be the work of the people, following the spirit of Maoism to engage in class struggle and resistance to renew the spirit of freedom and equality once again. And they will do it. So long as Marxism is taught to children, and the portrait of Mao sits front and center, Marxism Leninism will not perish from this earth. Mao would no doubt have his concerns about what is going on, but he would be optimistic too, and he would be ready to always be moving forward, engaging the people, bringing in the proletariat so comrades in China would be strong for comrades all around the world.
Communism didn’t invent famines. They were regular features of Russian and Chinese history.
The rise of neo-Maoism and Maoism around the globe. Also, some of these quoted pieces use very derogatory terms. I don’t agree with them. For example, the article refers to President Xi Jinping as a “strongman.” Nonsense. Xi has less power than any U.S. President.
In 1978 Deng Xiaoping enacted market reforms in China, paving the way for “Socialism with Chinese characteristics.” Socialism is not like being a little bit pregnant. There is a continuum, and China moved more to the Right. President Xi Jinping is by no means a hard core Maoist. He intends to continue the market reforms while ensuring that things don’t move even further to the Right because this would lead to moral decay, loss of morale, and dangerous liberalization. Meanwhile, some students and members of the Left, after studying Mao and his teachings believe that Deng’s reforms have gone too far, and that materialism, greed, and obsession with money have been a corrupting influence on the society, and wish to return to the roots of Marxism. There are poor people in the more undeveloped areas that have seen less of an improvement economically than others.
China’s Communist Party is “totally correct” to stick with Karl Marx’s theory, President Xi Jinping has said in a speech ahead of the 200th anniversary of the birth of the German philosopher whom he described as the “greatest thinker of modern time”.
Since coming to power in 2012, Xi has stressed the party must not forget its socialist roots as it works to attain the “great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation”.
In a speech at the Great Hall of the People in Beijing on Friday, Xi said, “Writing Marxism onto the flag of the Chinese Communist Party was totally correct … Unceasingly promoting the signification and modernisation of Marxism is totally correct.”
Xi Jinping urged party members to continue to use Marxist theories when grappling with contemporary questions. Photo: AFP
“Today, we commemorate Marx in order to pay tribute to the greatest thinker in the history of mankind and also to declare our firm belief in the scientific truth of Marxism,” he said.
“We must win the advantages, win the initiative, and win the future. We must continuously improve the ability to use Marxism to analyse and solve practical problems,” Xi said beneath a massive portrait of Marx on a stage bedecked with scarlet and gold curtains.
Xi also instructed all party members to adopt the reading of Marxist works and the understanding of Marxist theories as a “way of life” and a “spiritual pursuit”.
First it was Communist Party discipline, then it was President Xi Jinping’s speeches and policies. Now party members across China will soon have another subject added to their already taxing political-study sessions – the Communist Manifesto.
Last week, Xi convened a Politburo study session to celebrate the tract by Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels, which portends the collapse of capitalism and the eventual triumph of socialism.
Studying the work serves the purpose of “strengthening faith in Marxism” and “enhancing the party’s ability to use Marxist principles to solve the problems facing contemporary China,” Xi told members of the party’s ruling body.
But it was not only the country’s 25 most powerful men and woman who needed to brush up their knowledge of the 170-year-old pamphlet.
At the meeting, Xi also ordered “the broad masses of party members, cadres and especially senior cadres to study well and apply well”.
Communist Party Politburo members have been told to brush up on Karl Marx’s Communist Manifesto. Photo: handout
The study session, which was played up by state media, is Xi’s latest attempt to restore the shaky – if not long-lost – faith in Marxism and communism in the 90 million members of the world’s largest political party.
It also echoes with his call for greater self-confidence in the country’s chosen path, theory, system, and culture – known as the “four confidences” – especially amid wariness at home and abroad that China is going backwards, with concerns about stalled liberal reforms for a more open society, Xi’s concentration of power, the scrapping of presidential term limits and the fusion of the party with the state.
In China, Marxism is enshrined as a “guiding ideology” in the constitutions of both the party and the state.
In universities, an “introduction to the basic principles of Marxism” is a mandatory course all students must pass to graduate. Most universities also have a school dedicated to Marxist teachings.
Marxism is enshrined as a “guiding ideology” in the constitutions of both the party and the state. Photo: Handout
The economic opening also introduced and popularised ideas from beyond the communist ideological pantheon, such as liberalism, constitutionalism, and democracy.
Chen Xi, head of the party’s Organisation Department which oversees personnel decisions, lamented in November that some officials had lost faith in communism and considered it an “entirely unreal mirage”.
“Some don’t believe in Marx and Lenin but believe in ghosts and gods,” he wrote in party mouthpiece People’s Daily. Some officials, he went on to complain, had lost faith in socialism and instead looked to Western concepts of the separation of power and multi-party systems as their ideal.
The loss of faith, along with rampant corruption, is seen as a danger that threatens the party’s own survival and a wrong that Xi is determined to right – by harking back to its Marxist roots.
“Marxism is the fundamental guiding ideology of our party and country. If we deviate from or abandon Marxism, our party will lose its soul and direction,” he sternly warned members of the party as it celebrated its 95th founding anniversary in 2016.
Since coming to power in late 2012, Xi has launched an unprecedented anti-corruption crusade to clean the party of extravagance, graft, dissent and disloyalty. Coupled with the sweeping tightening of discipline is a shoring up of party ideology, with members and officials urged to “stay true to the founding mission” and return to the ideological purity of its earlier days.
Universities were ordered to steer clear of topics including universal values, civil rights and judicial independence, and to beef up their Marxist teaching.
Party cadres were hit by waves of mandatory political-study sessions centring on party rules, Xi’s speeches and the “spirit” of the central leadership’s latest meetings.
With the Politburo taking the lead in studying the Communist Manifesto, more junior members of the party will be expected to soon follow suit and immerse themselves in Marxist classics.
Already, the party’s top training ground for up-and-coming officials, the Central Party School, has put together a collection of 16 introductory Marxist books as recommended reading for cadres, according to a post on its social media account on Wednesday.
Currently, the Communist Manifesto is more of symbol than a road map for the party. Three party members told the South China Morning Post that they did not even need to study the text when they joined the party; others said they did but it was mainly to understand its historical significance and theoretical value, rather than its actual content.
“Scholars who study Marxism would have some understanding of the manifesto, but for sure the majority of party members would not even have read it,” said Deng Yuwen, a former deputy editor of a Central Party School newspaper.
“The Politburo study session could set off a new wave of reviewing Marxist classics at the local and grass-roots level – or at least something that has that appearance.”
At Monday’s study session, Xi hailed the party as “a faithful successor to the spirit of the Communist Manifesto”.
But the pamphlet, which argued that “communists everywhere support every revolutionary movement against the existing social and political order of things”, could serve as a reminder of just how un-communist the country has become, according to some analysts.
“If Chinese people actually learned Marxist concepts seriously, then it would become clear to all that China today has nothing to do with Marxism,” said Sean Kenji Starrs, an assistant professor of international studies at City University of Hong Kong.
“Beijing now has more billionaires than any other city in the world, and Shenzhen rivals Silicon Valley in venture capital and private start-ups. And one can hardly argue that workers in the sprawling sweatshops of southern and coastal China have any control over the means of production.
Often workers don’t even have the capacity to collectively bargain and go on strike against their capitalist owners,” he said.
In China, the sole lawful union allowed to exist is the government-controlled All-China Federation of Trade Unions, a nationwide bureaucracy of offices.
But it is widely seen as window-dressing by rights advocates, who say it prizes maintaining stability over defending workers’ rights and interests.
Nevertheless, the party sees itself as the rightful successor to earlier Marxists – and one that helps the ideology keep up with the times. The political theories of Chinese leaders – ranging from “Mao Zedong Thought” and “Deng Xiaoping Theory” to the latest “Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era” – are celebrated as the fruits of the “sinicisation of Marxism”, a term first coined by Mao in 1938.
Xi, who has shown greater enthusiasm for communist orthodoxy than his immediate predecessors, has repeatedly called on academics and party ideologues to focus equally on absorbing Marxist classics and adapting the theory to contemporary conditions to form a “contemporary Chinese Marxism”.
At another Politburo study session last September, Xi said party members could also study “contemporary capitalism, its essence and patterns”, but warned that they should never deviate from Marxism, whose tenets, he said, remained true despite the changing times and evolving society.
China sent a statue of Karl Marx to his hometown of Trier to mark the 200th anniversary of his birth. Photo: AFP/ DPA
The New Left
There are Chinese Millennials and students who believe that Deng Xiaoping’s market reforms have gone too far. They are unhappy with the uneven development of the country, the inequality, the increase in capitalism, and the crackdown on neo-Maoists, along with the condition of workers at factories. Some see the rise of President Xi Jinping as an opening against the Beijing Consensus, which is the notion that socialism with Chinese characteristics is the generally agreed path forward for the nation, which continues the market reforms to socialism, moving away from Mao’s collectives, and Maoism generally.
Yue Wei, a recent graduate of Peking University, published an open letter to the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China and Xi Jinping on August 19, expressing that the students who support the workers of Shenzhen Jiashi Technology Co., Ltd. will strengthen their political consciousness, strengthen the beliefs of Marxism-Leninism and Mao Zedong Thought, and resolutely safeguard China. Socialism and the people’s democratic dictatorship, but also insisted on asking Beijing to deal with the evil forces in the incident.
In fact, in the incident of Shenzhen Jiashi labor disputes that lasted for more than a month, Chinese leftists have been mobilizing forces to build momentum and solidarity.
Analysts believe that the cooperation between China’s Maoist and the New Left will bring another challenge to the Chinese authorities.
In an open letter, Yuelu said that some local evil forces have mixed into the support group to spread anti-Party and anti-socialist rhetoric, and attempted to deduct the anti-Party and anti-socialist crimes for the Solidarity Regimen, and have been cleared out of the Solidarity Group.
She stressed that this year coincides with the 200th anniversary of the birth of the instructor Marx. All members of the support group will study Marxism and Mao Zedong Thought as their spiritual food, constantly improve their political consciousness and struggle for the working class.
In fact, after the occurrence of the Shenzhen Jiashi labor tide, various leftist forces in China began to intervene deeply.
On August 6, more than 40 members of the Communist Party and retired cadres participated in a protest rally in Shenzhen, including Zhang Qinde of the former Central Policy Research Office and Fan Jinggang of Wu Youzhi.
On August 17, a group of 51 people, including Gu Zhenghua, Zhang Qinde, and Wang Zikai, appeared on the Internet, “This is a serious political incident – an open letter to the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China, Guangdong Provincial Committee and Shenzhen Municipal Committee” to protest against local government. The treatment method for the Christie Workers.
Gu Zhenghua participated in the New Fourth Army in 1941, and later worked as an editor in the Hubei Daily. Wang Zikai was the former vice president of the Beijing Party School.
Cai Chongguo, editor of the Hong Kong-based China Labor News, said that the scale of the Shenzhen Jiashi industry is not large, nor is it the first time workers have asked for election of trade union representatives. The reason why they have received attention from all walks of life is precisely because of the Chinese New Left and Mao Zuo. Integration and cooperation.
“The youth generation left the public, openly involved in the workers’ movement, openly opposed to the police. They are backed by the support of the older generation Mao Zuo. The ideology and legitimacy of the authorities is a wavering and continuous wavering.”
Cai Chongguo said that in the past few years, the disparity between the rich and the poor in China has intensified, the trading of money rights has been rampant, and the dissatisfaction of the bottom people has been serious, which has made the left have a soil for development in China.
He said that in the past few years, Mao Zuo has repeatedly intervened in the labor disputes of enterprises, showing that they have indeed received the support of many grassroots workers.
“After part of the Maoists, they were involved in the struggle of workers in state-owned enterprises in the city, and some people were arrested.”
He analyzed that the new left, which is dominated by young people, has made the Christie incident a hot topic through social media, changing the way the leftist has intervened in the past.
The China Labor Bulletin recently reported that more than 1,860 strikes or worker protests have occurred throughout China in the 12 months to August 2018.
The report said that the intensification of the contradiction between Chinese labor and capital has crossed the critical point of politics and people’s livelihood, directly threatening the legitimacy of the regime.
The township of Wuyou recently issued an announcement to hold a “40-year seminar on reform and opening up” in Shenzhen, “to comprehensively and prudently summarize the development achievements and lessons of the 40 years of reform and opening up.”
Chen Wekong, a free commentator in the United States, believes that the Chinese left has sent a difficult attack to the authorities in the traditional ideology of the Communist Party, which may pose a greater threat to the Chinese authorities.
“The Communist Party’s concept promotes a far-off set, but actually embarks on the right-wing Nazi. This is why Mao Zuo has room for existence. Mao Zuo is more embarrassing and more threatening to Xi Jinping. “”
Cai Chongguo also believes that the Chinese authorities are indeed facing the dilemma of ideology and values, and the Chinese left is also competing with the authorities for the banner of Mao Zedong.
“The richness and complexity of Mao Zedong was seen by some people through this movement. Therefore, Maozu and the authorities are now fighting for the banner of Mao Zedong.”
He said that the Chinese left has great support within the CCP, within the military, and within the government, and has great internal mobilization capabilities.
Deng Xiaoping’s reform and opening up also encountered great resistance from within, so he issued an instruction of “mainly anti-left”.
In the reality of today’s Chinese society, the left has greater support and energy in the bottom society, so the challenge to Beijing may also be more intense.
(Reporter: Shishan Editor: Shen Wei)
Young Maoists in China
This emergence of Marx-inspired civil activism is a new trend, according to Yuan Yuhua, a prominent Maoist scholar who has lectured at several universities in China.
“Very few students cared about social issues in universities, and among those who did care, they were mostly influenced by liberalism,” Yuan said. “Marxist associations in universities then were mostly absorbed by official doctrines.”
Most of the leftists from the Guangzhou group, all in their mid-20s, said they became interested in Marxism during their school years, but not from the mandatory Marxist courses.
Some said they joined leftist student groups, where they started reading the original works by Marx, and conducted field research among workers and even took on factory work themselves.
Han Peng, among the leftists once wanted by police, said the rise of labour activism was partly due to the economic impact of the 2008 financial crisis on Chinese manufacturers. The crisis has fuelled criticism of capitalism around the world, and was largely credited for the rise of later anarchic movements like Occupy Wall Street.
“Near my hometown, the leftist groups were primarily focused on rural issues,” Han said. “But during the crisis, they came to realise the problem was the lack of demand for products.”
Marxism has inspired some young activists in China, who have seen in it the motivation to boldly press ahead on issues of feminism, workers rights and income equality. Photo: AP
The Yangtze River Delta region, where Han is from, is home to numerous private businesses. The region was hit hard amid a drastic fall of overseas demand, with factories shutting down and workers not getting paid their wages – what Han referred to as a deterioration of workers’ rights.
Yuan, the Marxist scholar, said the surge of Marxism and Maoism among the young could be at least partly attributed to a relatively recent climate of political tolerance in China.
“From 2008 to 2012, there was a broad diversity of political views in the mainland media and publications, ranging from a multi-party system to the relaunch of a Cultural Revolution,” he said. “That was unseen in past decades.”
But as Xi came into power in 2013, Beijing adopted a tighter control over the country’s ideology. The government clamped down hard on Western notions of constitutional democracy, jailing human rights lawyers and activists in the notorious “709” crackdown, when around 300 were rounded up or harassed starting on July 9, 2015.
The government, beginning with Xi, has also listed some leftist ideas, including beliefs widely held among China’s Marxists and Maoists, as “wrongful opinions”.
“The ideology area is not peaceful … wrongful ideas and opinions appear every now and then, some deny reform and opening up in the name of ‘reflecting on reform’ … some relentlessly promote Western values,” Xi said in a speech dated 2016, according to a book recently released by the party’s official publishing house.
The Maoist Communist Party of China (MCPC) is an anti-revisionist Marxist Leninist underground party that rejects Deng Xiaoping’s capitalist reforms. To avoid persecution the organization is underground.
1. We strongly condemn the traitorous revisionist ruling bloc of the Chinese Communist Party and its policy of secretive suppression of our party!
On 26 December 2008, our party gave out the pamphlet “To all the people of China” that declares that “the peoples of China have the right to rise up against the traitorous revisionist ruling bloc of the Chinese Communist Party” in the central districts of cities such as Beijing and Shanghai. By doing this we have “dared to touch the tiger’s ass”!
Afterwards we engaged in more propaganda online and in other cities. This revolutionary action of our party has resulted in a strong political wave against the traitorous revisionist ruling bloc of the Chinese Communist Party, and managed to beat down the arrogant air of the revisionist ruling bloc.
This is the clarion call for a great revolutionary movement among the Chinese proletariat against capitalist restoration; this is the signal flare to mobilise the people to strike against the crimes conducted by the traitorous revisionist ruling bloc; to peel away the false skin of the revisionists, and to engage in a people’s revolutionary war through both words and actions.
The pamphlet of our party “To all the people of China” not only received great attention within China, and to a great extent served to wake up and stimulate the Chinese proletarian class, but it also triggered a lot of international political responses. “Radio Free Asia” and “Voice of America” all made reports about us. Reactionary forces both inside and outside of China immediately felt threatened by our pamphlet, and started to attack our party and offered strategies to the ruling regime of China.
They used slogans such as:
“Shocking, going against Hu Jintao in favour of Mao Zedong, the sons and grandsons of Mao have created the Maoist Communist Party of China”
“Without completely getting rid of the legacy of Mao we will surely be breeding problems for the future”
“We strongly propose that the portrait of Mao be removed from Tiananmen”
“We demand that the Chinese government discard its communist coating” and˙“If the CCP does not destroy the MCPC fast, it will surely die in its hands”…it’s almost as if chickens and dogs are flying apart!
The traitorous revisionist ruling bloc of the Chinese Communist Party pretends to not hear anything, but in practice they have began to utilise police forces to pursue our party. They are keeping the locations where we hand out our pamphlets under careful supervision, and are checking the CCTV images of the days when we are active. Through the internet police they are pursuing suspicious personnel. They want to destroy our party while it is still in its infancy.
We strongly condemn the actions of the traitorous revisionist ruling bloc of the Chinese Communist Party!
We strongly demand that all secretive suppression of our party by the regime completely cease immediately!
Our party follows the democratic political principle of “the virtuous person uses their mouth not their hands”, but we also follow the iron revolutionary law of “if the petty reactionaries use force, we shall do likewise”.
The pamphlet “To all the people of China”, as well as the Ten Declarations here, shall act to mobilise everyone in China to start considering the big events of our country. We firmly oppose the utilisation of fascistic “white terror” by the traitorous revisionist ruling bloc of the Chinese Communist Party! If the revisionists stubbornly carry on with their actions, and drag the people of China into bloody wind and rain, then we will surely accompany them to the very end! We shall not stop until every single anti-Maoist reactionary has been removed from China! We shall not cease our struggle until every single traitorous revisionist that dares to embark on the capitalist path has been utterly destroyed!
2. We shall give thanks to the understanding and support shown to us by the people
Chairman Mao once said:
“What is the real ‘bronze wall and iron shield’? It is the masses, the masses who wholeheartedly support the revolution. This is the real ‘bronze wall and iron shield,’ something that cannot be destroyed by any kind of force. The counter-revolutionaries cannot destroy us, but we shall destroy them.”
The creation of our party and the release of the pamphlet “To all the people of China” have received the support of the majority of the masses who know what this really meant. The masses who got into touch with our party not only felt happy at our party’s creation, but also offered a lot of support both spiritually and materially. Especially ever since the first great political line struggle in the first three months of the short history of our party, more and more people who learned the truth about us started to show their understanding and support. Those who did not wish to join our party at the start, now actively wished to join; those who did not decide to support our party at the start, now started to offer a lot of help…
For this, we shall offer a revolutionary salute of the highest degree to all those who understand and support our party! We shall give thanks to the understanding of the people! We shall give thanks to the support of the people!
Some people are concerned that the continued activities of our party will cause more retaliations by the enemy. In fact, the more active our party becomes, the more support it will get from the masses, and the more support it has, the safer our party will be.
Without doubt, the existence and actions of our party has caused the ruling bloc to feel uncomfortable. They hate the fact that they cannot destroy our forces in one go.
But the enemy by habit tends to under-estimate the power of the revolutionary people, and by habit tends to wrongly judge the wisdom and courage of the revolutionary masses. Since our party fits in with the wishes of the masses of people and the majority of the ordinary party members of the Chinese Communist Party, because our party has only emerged through taking in nutrients given out by the masses, our party has deep roots within the people.
Therefore, when the anti-restoration revolutionary situation arrives, our enemy would be confused – they would not be able to know how many people and whom they can trust on to follow them on the route towards counter-revolution, and furthermore they would not realise exactly how many people and whom would be prepared to overthrow them in a revolution. Therefore, there is no suprise in the fact that the ruling regime cannot really do much to our party.
3. We declare that the traitorous revisionist ruling bloc of the Chinese Communist Party is the top enemy of the peoples of China
History has shown that if the revisionists get into power, then the workers and peasants shall be cast down. If the revisionists control the government, then the proletariat would lose their political power. If the revisionists engage in the so-called “opening-up reforms”, then the labouring masses of the country will be exploited for the second time.
All of the disasters that have been brought upon the country and our people by the so-called “opening-up reforms”, are directly caused by the traitorous revisionist ruling bloc of the Chinese Communist Party. Globally, the Chinese revisionists also share responsibility for the disasters imposed upon countries that have been invaded by imperialist powers!
Therefore, the traitorous revisionist ruling bloc of the Chinese Communist Party is clearly the number one enemy of the peoples of China. The capitalist right-wingers are also attacked by us, but our main enemey is no doubt the traitorous revisionist ruling bloc of the Chinese Communist Party.
Chairman Mao once said:
“To negate the basic principles of Marxism, to no longer acknowledge the universal truths of Marxism, such is called revisionism.”
At the same time he points out:
“Revisionists deliberately try to white-wash the differences between socialism and capitalism, and dampen down the fundamental distinction between the dictatorship of the proletariat and the bourgeois. What they propose is not really the socialist path, but the capitalist path.”
The representatives of the bourgeois class within the party, such as Deng Xiaoping, Jiang Zemin and Hu Jintao, are all counter-revolutionary revisionists. They wish to white-wash the distinction between socialism and capitalism, to confound the two together; but in their actions they completely pursue the capitalist line; they all deliberately destroy the fundamental difference between the dictatorship of the proletariat and the dictatorship of the bourgeois, and in action they are completely capitalist. In one phrase, they all oppose socialist revolution and proletarian dictatorship.
Chairman Mao teaches us:
“The rise to power of the revisionists means the rise to power of the bourgeoisie. And indeed it is the worst kind of capitalism, it is like fascism. If one day the Chinese Communist Party no longer serves the interests of the people, then the people should rise up to overthrow it!”
Today the traitorous revisionist ruling bloc of the Chinese Communist Party is indeed in power, and therefore should be overthrown.
4. We declare that the Maoist Communist Party of China is a proletarian revolutionary party
The Maoist Communist Party of China is a proletarian revolutionary party armed with Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, it is the faithful heir of the will of Chairman Mao and the Chinese Communist Party during the Mao Zedong era, and it is a vibrant revolutionary vanguard organisation composed of the advanced layers of the proletarian class.
The Maoist Communist Party of China was formally created on 28 November 2008. The creation of the Maoist Communist Party of China is the sign that the new generation of Chinese Communist Party members have now completely broken with the traitorous revisionist ruling bloc; it is the sign that the era of the second socialist revolution has arrived in China; it is the sign that the great revolutionary struggle against capitalist restoration by the peoples of China has formally began!
The basic political line of the Maoist Communist Party of China is to completely overthrow the traitorous revisionist ruling bloc within the current Chinese Communist Party and the restored bureaucratic-capitalist class, so that Maoism shall gain victory over revisionism, and socialist society will win against capitalist society. The ultimate objective of our party is to achieve communism.
The basic method of the Maoist Communist Party of China is to follow the proletarian revolutionary line first laid down by Chairman Mao, and use Marxism-Leninism-Maoism as the theoretical basis and the general strategic guideline. We will widely mobilise and organise the people, and rely on the power of the masses.
In a methodical and organised manner we shall engage in China’s second socialist revolution on the basis of the first socialist revolution and under the conditions where bureaucratic capitalism has been restored and the traitorous revisionist ruling bloc of the Chinese Communist Party has obtained political power.
The first mission of this revolution is to win back all of the rights that the masses of people have lost, and thereby re-establish the dictatorship of the proletariat.
The method through which this political mission can be accomplished is to initiate a great revolutionary movement against the capitalist restoration of the traitorous revisionist ruling bloc within the Chinese Communist Party, and to engage in a people’s revolutionary war through both words and actions, and in the end acquire complete victory.
The central work of the Maoist Communist Party of China in 2009 is to engage in public propaganda, to ideologically arm the masses, to develop our organisations, and to engage in concrete political struggles. We shall use Maoism to arm the entire party, the entire army and the entire people of China, so that we can actively develop a cadre and the various regional branches, and collect the funds required for our revolutionary work. We will engage in struggles against our enemy and support the various struggles for basic rights conducted by the masses of the people. Through this we will lay down the basis for the height of the revolutionary movement against capitalist restoration that will gradually arrive.
5. We declare that we will firmly embark on the road of the second socialist revolution in China
As Chairman Mao clearly stated,
“when the revisionists get into power, that’s the same as when the capitalists get into power”.
Mao also clearly said:
“the antagonism between the proletarian and the bourgeois classes need to be resolved through socialist revolution”.
The traitorous revisionist ruling bloc in the Chinese Communist Party today is just a variation of the capitalist class. They are the running dogs and servants of imperialism.
As Chairman Mao correctly pointed out:
“The presence of capitalist influences is the fundamental domestic cause of revisionism; to bow down to the pressures of imperialism is the external cause of revisionism.”
The basic antagonism between the Chinese proletarian class and the traitorous revisionist ruling bloc within the Chinese Communist Party today is equivalent to the antagonism between the proletarian class and the bourgeois class. The way to resolve this contradiction is to engage in a socialist revolution against capitalist restoration.
The concept of the second socialist revolution is formulated on the basis of the conscientious summarisation of the 27 years of socialist revolution that Chairman Mao personally led, as well as through the careful consideration and research of the contents and strategies of the new socialist revolution. It originates from the formal creation of our party, and the objective conditions that are now mature enough in terms of ideological, theoretical and active elements for us to embark on the road of a new socialist revolution.
Therefore it is called the second socialist revolution.
The general political direction of the second socialist revolution is to firmly follow the leadership of the Maoist Communist Party of China, to firmly carry out the political line, methodology and policies of our party, to firmly engage in the struggle to replace the capitalist system with the socialist system, to firmly engage in the proletarian political struggles against the bourgeois to eventually establish a dictatorship of the proletariat, to firmly focus our efforts to build a real modern, prosperous and strong socialist state, and to firmly and diligently struggle for the genuine realisation of communism.
Only through firmly holding onto this general direction, can we victoriously achieve the glorious mission that history has bestowed upon us. Only by firmly holding onto this general direction, can we realise what Chairman Mao required of us:
“United in consciousness, united in policy, united in planning, untied in leadership, and united in action”.
Otherwise, even if we come out of the crematorium as ashes and continue to embark on endless arguing, it would be to no avil, as we cannot solve the problem of how to become “united in consciousness”, nor can we become united in the other areas. Therefore, to firmly hold onto this general political direction, is to firmly hold onto a general political line that fits in with Maoism and is objectively correct under the present conditions of capitalist restoration in China.
6. We declare that a great revolutionary movement against capitalist restoration among the peoples of China will be enacted
According to the principles of Maoism, to defeat the great project of capitalist restoration of Chinese bureaucratic capitalism, we must engage in an anti-restoration great revolutionary movement of the Chinese proletariat to match against it. We must enact a great revolutionary movment against capitalist restoration among the peoples of China, and to engage in a people’s revolutionary war in both words and actions!
Without doing this we shall not be able to overthrow the traitorous revisionist ruling bloc of the Chinese Communist Party; without doing this we cannot re-establish the proletarian dictatorship and the new socialist system; without doing this we cannot realise the wills of the older generation of proletarian revolutionaries like Chairman Mao and Primier Zhou; without doing this we cannot honestly face the thousands of revolutionary martyrs who have given their lives for the interests of the proletarian class; without doing this we cannot contribute properly to the international communist movement as Chinese proletarians!
The basic nature of the great revolutionary movement against capitalist restoration by the peoples of China is the struggle between Maoism and modern revisionism, the struggle between the Chinese proletarian class that has lost its political power and the bureaucratic capitalist class that are in power, the struggle between socialism and capitalism.
The feature of this great revolution is to have a bottom-up people’s revolutionary theoretical struggle under the present conditions of ideological confusion among most layers of the population. The spearhead of this struggle is pointed towards the traitorous revisionist ruling bloc of the Chinese Communist Party and the die-hard counter-revolutionary right-wingers that support them.
The method of this struggle is to first arm people ideologically, and then gradually increase in levels, ultimately resulting in complete victory. And the sharp weapon that is to be used to win this war is Maoism.
Chairman Mao pointed out:
“Imperialists and all other reactionary forces are nothing but paper tigers. Revisionists are also paper tigers.”
Superficially it seems as if this revisionist ruling bloc controls everything: the law, the army, the armed police, the police force; it is as if they are powerful beyond recognition. But in reality, due to the reactionary nature of its politics and the corrupt state of its life, it has already become very weak. The emergence of the Maoist Communist Party of China indeed foreshadows the death of this ruling bloc.
At this stage our party focuses on theoretical struggle rather than military struggle, this is a very realistic approach. From a military perspective, our current plan also fits in with the revolutionary military principles of “avoiding the strength of the enemy, while striking at its weakness”. Our efforts and actions now should be mainly focussed on mobilising and motivating the people around the country to engage in the great revolution against capitalist restoration. We need to mobilise the people, unite the people in solidarity, so that the masses of the people will voluntarily act. Only through this can we continue to the next step.
Chairman Mao once remarked that the Cultural Revolution was a conscientious military exercise. Today it is clear that this “conscientious military exercise” has prepared us for our real struggles today.
At present, the domestic and international environment is very conducive to the Chinese revolution. The economic crisis of global capitalism is continuing to deepen, and there is no way for the Chinese bureaucratic capitalists to pull out of it themselves. The economic and political rule of the ruling bloc has been shaken from both sides. Against the rising revolutionary situation, the ruling bloc is already utilising ways to satisfy the people in a limited manner to appease the public, as well as strengthening their control on the army and the police to protect their wavering rule.
Looking ahead towards the future, as the revolutionary consciousness of the masses continue to improve, the economic struggles to protect their own interests will continue to rise to the level of political struggle to change the social system. Our party and other revolutionary organisations will increase in power, and countless revolutionary leaders with political foresight, a great sense of altruism, an ability to achieve concrete objectives, a willingness to sacrifice themselves for political goals, as well as a great understanding of the art of struggle, will flock into our party, and various pseudo-leftists will be weeded out through real revolutionary struggles. The various opportunists and dogmatists both within and outside the party, due to their unwillingness to part with their petit-bourgeois world view, will become depressed when faced with the unexpectedness of the struggle situations, to the extent that some may even degenerate and become shameless traitors of the revolution. Those who only care about their status within the party would become sidelined more and more as the revolutionary situation continues to develop. But the genuine members of the Maoist Communist Party of China will sing the Internationale and firmly stand on the front lines of the great revolution against capitalist restoration. No setbacks or problems would stop their advance. They shall, one step at a time, lead the people to fight the great struggle against the counter-revolutionary revisionist ruling bloc to its complete conclusion!
Regardless of whether or not there has ever been a prior instance in the history of world communism in which a revisionist ruling party has been overthrown, we shall not follow the demise of the former Soviet Union, we shall complete our struggles one day before the “red flag” drops down onto the ground! We shall certainly report to Chairman Mao: “Chairman, we have won!”
7. We declare that Maoism is the powerful ideological and theoretical weapon one can use to gain victory over the traitorous revisionist ruling bloc of the Chinese Communist Party
Maoism is the epoch-making continuation and development of Marxism-Leninism, and the comprehensive and systematic summarisation of Mao Zedong Thought in general. Maoism has raised Marxism-Leninism to a new height, it is the third great milestone in the history of the proletarian revolution. Maoism is the soul and fundation of the Maoist Communist Party of China, it is a great artifact to defend oneself against the various types of capitalist thoughts and opportunism within the party, and it is the great ideological and theoretical weapon that one can use to acquire victory against the traitorous revisionist ruling bloc of the Chinese Communist Party.
Chairman Mao pointed out:
“The correct ideologies that represent the advanced class, once they have been absorbed by the masses, would then become the material force to transform society and transform the world.”
The purpose for us to hold onto this ideological weapon, is to let it become the material force to transform human society and the natural world. We do not use our weapon to merely shake the counter-revolutionary government that is in power today, but to completely overthrow the counter-revolutionary government.
To arm the people’s thoughts with Maoism, our struggles would definitely become victorious; without using Maoism to arm the thoughts of the people, all of our revolutionary struggles could only ever stop at the stage of superficial slogans and would never gain actual victory. Therefore, we must give the sharp weapon of Maoism to the people, and use every method we can use to spread the information that tells people about the truth of the ruling bloc to every region in China. We shall lead the masses of the people to strike together comprehensively, continuously and fiercely against the revisionist ruling bloc. This is indeed the glorious mission of every party member and supporter!
8. We declare that we shall remove all the erroneous thoughts among the left, so that a road to the great revolutionary movement of the proletarian class can be opened up
How to counter the great restoration of capitalism, the various tendencies within the left in China have continued to argue without resolution. For a long time the research into how to solve the problem of capitalist restoration was limited to debating “the various means to kill a pig”. Ideas that have been raised include “go back to Jinggang Mountain, re-establish a revolutionary foothold, and acquire political power through guerrilla warfare”, “the struggles against the capitalist restoration of the ruling bloc is not just a matter of “fighting against revisionism”, but the struggle against bureaucratic capitalism”, “the capitalist restoration has been completed, today’s revolution is no longer anti-revisionist”, “our revolution now should be a democratic revolution primarily”, “we should go to the countryside and establish collective enterprises”, “we should form friendships among the grassroots layers, and increase our numbers”, “we should engage in struggles within the framework of the law, and make the central government turn left”, “split up the country through armed force and directly conquer cities” etc. The sheer number of various “revolutionary strategies” that have come forth is numerous enough to make people dizzy.
Although all of these views are right in their wishes, objectively they are all partial, dogmatic and metaphysical. Some fundamentally reject the fact that the traitorous revisionist ruling bloc within the Chinese Communist Party exists at all; some do not see the restoration methods of modern revisionists; some partially emphasize on a particular point but neglect the whole and the essence; some don’t even seem to have a basic understanding of class nature and class struggle.
As Lenin once pointed out:
“They all call themselves Marxists, but their understanding of Marxism is degenerate to the extreme. The determining factor of Marxism, the revolutionary dialectics of Marxism, they have no understanding of at all.”
These people don’t even understand the essential meaning of the great Maoist teaching:
“The correct ideologies that represent the advanced class, once they have been absorbed by the masses, would then become the material force to transform society and transform the world”.
Some don’t even grasp the essential nature of this revolution, is this not very stupid and laughable indeed?
According to the principles of Maoism, the living soul of Marxism is the ability to have a concrete analysis of concrete situations. Many people understand this, but few can really apply it. Both opportunists and dogmatists treat Marxism-Leninism-Maoism as abstract and narrow formulas to impose on all sorts of situations. They refuse to investigate the transformation of contradictions and the special circumstances of different contradictions. In this instance they do not consider the actual history of how bureaucratic capitalism came to be what it is like today, they do not recognise that the special nature of the bureaucratic capitalists in China is that they are in the form of revisionism. They only look at the phenomenon, but not at the essence.
They only grasp a singular point, but not the rest. They only care about historical experience, but have no ability to be creative according to the circumstances. When they see a lame person they want to treat his/her leg, but they don’t see that this is caused by a stroke, and do not recognise that as long as the stroke is not treated, the leg will forever remain lame. So despite shouting about going back to Jinggang Mountain, to this day there isn’t a single person there; despite some friends calling for people to go to the grassroots layers to enact changes, to this day there has been no real changes at all. The names of collective enterprises like Nanjie Village are indeed quite famous, but they cannot even harm a single hair of the revisionist ruling bloc, nor can they block the great waterfall of capitalist restoration. All of these, are in the end what Lenin called “dodging this way and that, like a cat around a hot meal”.
The relation between the traitorous revisionist ruling bloc and bureaucratic capitalism is the relation between cause and effect. If the “cause” is solved, the “effect” will be solved directly. If there is no correct understanding of the “cause”, then there is no way to solve the “effect”. Therefore, if we directly sort out the “effect” but don’t examine the “cause”, then not only can we not find the thread within a confused mass of strings, we are not doing things according to the objective laws of their development either. Therefore, to under-estimate the importance of theoretical revolutionary struggles under the rule of revisionism is very incorrect, and is a severe violation of the revolutionary dialectics of Marxism.
In addition, electism in politics, liberalism in thought, dogmatism in theory, opportunism in form, and sectarianism in action etc, are all like stumbling blocks in front of the great revolutionary movement of the Chinese proletarian class against capitalist restoration. These stumbling blocks and those mistaken views, all objectively obstruct the positive development of the anti-restoration revolutionary movement. Their existence can only cause delays in the revolutionary movement. If we can transform these negative influences into positive ones, so that the entire left in China think along the same lines and utilise their efforts in the same direction, then what difficulties would there be to take down the current regime within the next three years? It would be as easy as a chef cutting up cucumbers. Therefore, all leftists who consider themselves Maoists and the members of our party have the responsibility to set a high standard for themselves in the areas of political thought, revolutionary theory and actual practice, and self-consciously sweep away all of the mistaken thoughts and obstructions that block our way! Only through this, can we open up a way for the great revolutionary movement against capitalist restoration! Only through this, can we embark on the road of historical progress by the people!
9. We declare that the traitorous revisionist ruling bloc of the Chinese Communist Party must be cast down
As Chairman Mao pointed out:
“The truth of Marxism cannot be resisted, the masses of the people will certainly engage in revolution.”
As the great revolutionary situation against capitalist restoration continues to develop, the internal conflicts within the revisionist ruling bloc will also gradually change. This kind of change is caused by external factors and will gradually begin to have an effect. The wind of revolution will be blown into the army barracks, and the consciousness to rise up would sweep across the army. Every soldier will think about his/her own political stance — the majority will side with the revolution, only a tiny minority will go to the side of counter-revolution. The division within the army would become a necessity. Obstinate revisionist leaders and reactionary officers within the army will be gradually isolated. The heads of the ruling bloc will either be “fired” from their positions by the waves of strikes across the country by workers and students, or be directly overthrown by the revolutionary forces of the proletarian people, or be forced to engage in passive negotiations with the people’s revolution and be pressurised to resign. Regardless of how they would go, they must go, of this there is absolutely no doubt at all!
Our party, in this first phase of the anti-restoration great revolutionary movement, calls on the heads of the counter-revolutionary ruling bloc to resign voluntarily. As the old Chinese saying goes: “The truly capable and virtuous understand the requirements of the times.” The earlier you voluntarily come down, the more active you are. The later you come down, the more passive you become. If you resign as a result of negotiation, then it’s the most wise choice, by giving up your power early you have let the pressure off yourself early, and can then live in peace. This way not only can you leave yourself with a relatively respectable path ahead, but also you leave behind a way towards the light for your descendants and families. If on the other hand the ruling bloc refuse to repent and engage in mass slaughter, then your crimes will increase by a thousand-fold, not only would this leave a bad name for a thousand generations on yourself, but it would also bring about the complete destruction of your clans. As for the proletarian class, it would just be experiencing another round of revolutionary baptism through blood and fire.
10. The basic political programme of the Maoist Communist Party of China
1 We call for the overthrow of every big and small capitalist-roader and corrupt bureaucratic elements. We shall remove the captialist constitution and law that has been imposed upon the peoples of China by the traitorous revisionist ruling bloc. We shall establish people’s supervisory councils, so that everyone takes part in the management and supervision of the state, army and government, so that the people are guaranteed to become the real rulers of the country.
2. Every single publicly owned work-unit established before 1977 will be completely restored. Every unemployed worker who used to belong to one of these work-units will unconditionally get their post and salary back. All of the possessions that have been taken away from every publicly owned work-unit will be chased back and re-constituted.
3. Every monopolistic state-owned joint-stock enterprise formed after 1977 will be given over to the people.
4 People’s communes will be restored in the countryside. Concretely for each particular village, we shall respect the choices of the masses, those who wish to embark on the collectivist path the state shall give support, those who wish to keep things as they are will also be allowed to do so.
5 The military ranking system would be removed, the army will be reformed. The revolutionary modernising construction of the army will be resumed. The army will be prepared always to hit hard against any foreign invaders and pirates who dare to violate our country.
6 Every primary and secondary school, as well as every university and college, shall become completely free apart from the costs of basic textbooks. The universities will offer free food and free accomodation, as well as a certain amount of financial assistance to those students that require them. The education system will be primarily geared towards creating socialist new people that are both “red” and “expert”. Jobs for all graduates shall be guaranteed for everyone.
7 The quality of service in every people’s hospital and traditional Chinese hospital will be fundamentally improved. New hospitals will be constructed in every town and city in China. All rural and urban residents in China, as long as they are citizens of the People’s Republic of China, will receive free healthcare apart from the basic costs of medication. The basic cost of medication will be regulated directly by the state, and some medication will also be provided on a needs-basis. Chairman Mao’s political command of “let the weight of the medical and healthcare sectors be transferred to rural areas” will be enacted. The people’s communes in rural areas will establish new hospitals, and clinics will be built in every single village area. Every single person will be guaranteed to have convenient and cheap healthcare. The current sad state of poor people “wait on with a small illness” and “wait for death with a big illness” will be changed forever.
8 All old people who have lost the ability to work, regardless of whether he/she is an urban or rural resident, will receive a state pension. Every disabled person who has lost the ability to work will be taken care of by the state. All concerns regarding the care of elderly and disabled people will be gone.
9 Every adult who is a citizen of the People’s Republic of China can choose his/her line of work through application. The state will be in charge of the overall plan of job allocation. The socialist distributive principle of “each according to his/her labour” will be enacted.
10. All privately owned enterprises and companies that do not rely on selling out the state, opportunism or gross exploitation, and do not harm the welfare of the public, can carry on running as before. At the same time, the law of the state protects the right of every person who wishes to engage in small-scale private businesses and will provide help when necessary.
11 Every adult citizen of the People’s Republic of China will be guaranteed to have a living place that belongs to himself/herself.
12 The procedures to join the party and promotion within the party will be set according to the charter of the Maoist Communist Party of China. Sometimes they will be very rapid for certain people.
13 All those who have sided with the reactionary side during the counter-revolutionary capitalist restoration phase, all those who have beaten the drums for the coming of the “opening-up reforms”, and all those who have sided with the revisionist ruling bloc, shall never be allowed to have any leadership post within any department in the entire country. All those who have managed to divide a line between themselves and the ruling bloc and fight back against it during the anti-restoration great revolution will be pardoned from their former political crimes.
14 All those who superficially seem to actively and diligently join the revolution during the great anti-restoration revolutionary movement, but in reality only care about how to acquire private interests for himself/herself, will not be qualified to hold any kind of leadership post within the party or the country.
15 Revolutionary cadres are the servants of the people. Apart from the guards and necessary assistants for the main leading cadres of the party and the state, every cadre is not allowed to have any personal secretaries, doctors, chefs, drivers or any other service personnel.
16 The salary levels of every cadre and leader in the party must never exceed the highest salary level of the workers in the country. Their living spaces cannot exceed 150 square metres.
17 All cadres who have taken apart in embezzlements, briberies, and have done things contrary to the interests of the masses of the people, and do not act according to the people’s wishes, will be removed from their posts.
18 Necessary and comprehensive special care will be given to the families and descendants of revolutionary martyrs, as well as all those who heroically help others at the expense of their own safety.
19 All corrupt officials who have escaped overseas with large amounts of money, will be chased down and arrested no matter where in the world he/she has escaped to! Those who refuse to repent for their political crimes, no matter where they are located in the world, will be executed at any cost.
20 Every counter-revolutionary right-wing element who has risen up against the second socialist revolution and who opposed the proletarian dictatorship will be forcefully re-educated under supervision. Those counter-revolutionary elements who have an especially malign and reactionary attitude will be suppressed without mercy!
Our detailed programme does not stop here.
We believe that in the not-so-distant future, the people will work for faith and honour, their thoughts and lives will experience a thorough transformation. The banal and corrupt thoughts and lifestyles of the bourgeois class will be completely abandoned, and a new socialist society will emerge to become an example for the historical development of all humanity. A new modern, socialist, prosperous, and powerful state will firmly rise up in the eastern world and become an “oriental pearl” in the real sense.
Excellent resource: Maoist Communist Party of China | Wikiwand
Maoism is by no means dead
The west has assumed that Maoism, like Soviet communism, has been left in the dust: no European rebels these days carry a Little Red Book. But the ideology is resurgent in China and remains hugely influential elsewhere
In the first week of January 2016, a vast golden statue of Mao, rising up out of frozen brown fields, was unveiled in the middle of the Henan countryside in central China. More than 36 metres high, it cost £312,000 and was paid for by local people and businessmen. Tourists gathered to take selfies, but a few days later, the monument was demolished, apparently for violating planning regulations. Several locals wept as it came down, among them probably descendants of the multitudes – one analyst puts the figure at 7.8 million – who died in Henan during the famine in the 1960s caused by Mao’s policies.
The golden colossus of Henan evokes the strange, looming presence of Mao in contemporary China. The People’s Republic (PRC) today is still held together by the legacies of Maoism. Although the Chinese Communist party (CCP) has long abandoned the utopian turmoil of the Cultural Revolution in favour of an authoritarian capitalism that prizes prosperity and stability, Mao has left a heavy mark on politics and society. His portrait – six by four and a half metres – hangs in Tiananmen Square, the heartland of Chinese political power, and in the middle of the square, his waxen, embalmed body lies in state. “Mao’s invisible hand” (as one recent book puts it) remains omnipresent in China’s polity: in the deep politicisation of its judiciary; the supremacy of the one-party state; the intolerance of dissident voices. And in 2012, the CCP under Xi Jinping began – for the first time since Mao’s death in 1976 – to publicly renormalise aspects of Maoist political culture: the personality cult; catchphrases such as the “mass line” (supposedly encouraging criticism of officials from the grassroots) and “rectification” (disciplining of wayward party members). At the end of February 2018, Xi and his Central Committee abolished the 1982 constitutional restriction that limited the president to only two consecutive terms; like Mao, he could be ruler for life.
The western commentariat has been wrong-footed by Mao’s resurgence. Many perhaps assumed that, as China turned commercial and capitalist since the death of Mao, the country would become “more like us”; that Mao and Chinese communism were history. The opposite has happened. Maoism is the key to understanding one of the most surprisingly enduring organisations of the 20th and (so far) 21st centuries – the CCP. If the party is still in charge in 2024, the Chinese communist revolution will have exceeded the 74-year lifespan of its Soviet older brother. And if the Chinese communist state survives much beyond this point, historians may come to see October 1949, rather than October 1917, as the game-changing revolution of the last century.
The golden statue in Henan. Photograph: AP
There is also a pressing need to evaluate the power and allure of Maoism beyond China; it has had a long afterlife in revolutions and insurrections (that have transformed states and left millions dead) in Cambodia, Zimbabwe, Peru, India and Nepal, based on Mao’s theories of class struggle and guerrilla warfare. The story of Maoism’s travels takes in the tea plantations of north India, the sierras of the Andes, Paris’s 5th arrondissement, the fields of Tanzania, rice paddies in Cambodia and terraces in Brixton. A potent mix of party-building discipline, anti-colonial rebellion and “continuous revolution” grafted on to the secular religion of Soviet Marxism, Maoism not only unlocks the contemporary history of China, but is also a pivotal influence on global insubordination and intolerance across the last 80 years.But beyond China, and especially in the west, the spread and disruptive importance of Mao and his ideas are only dimly sensed, if at all. They have been effaced by the end of the cold war, the apparent global victory of neoliberal capitalism, and the resurgence of religious extremism. Especially since the communist collapse in Europe and the USSR, western governments have imagined that Maoism was a historical and political phenomenon long past its sell-by date; that there was no need to engage seriously with it, because it had been left in the dust by the supposed death of ideology in 1989. A fresh look at the cold war and global politics today tells a very different story: of Maoism as one of the most significant and complicated forces of contemporary history.
Mao saw himself as leader of the world revolution – even before the founding of the People’s Republic, he had opened for business in Beijing a Comintern-style training academy for Asian revolutionaries.
The Vietnamese communists – adversaries of the US in the hottest conflict of the cold war – were, in the words of one insider, “disciples of Mao”. As Ho Chi Minh planned and fought his rebellions against French and then US control, he relied heavily on material aid and strategic blueprints from Mao. The Maoist hymn, “The East Is Red”, became a Vietnamese anthem; Mao Zedong Thought was sworn in as “the basic theory” of Vietnamese communism. Between 1950 and 1975, China donated some $20bn in aid to North Vietnam, trained thousands of its students and cadres in China, and supplied myriad useful items: roads, bullets and uniforms, soy sauce and lard, ping-pong balls and mouth organs. Without Maoist-Chinese intervention, the North Vietnamese communists would not have been able to fight the French and then the US to exhaustion between 1945 and 1973.
Amid widespread disgust at US intervention in Vietnam, western radicals’ fellowship with Mao’s China – tireless in its rhetorical attacks on America – followed the logic of “my enemy’s enemy is my friend”. After the quashing of the Hungarian uprising in 1956 and with the invasion of Czechoslovakia in 1968, the Soviet Union no longer represented a rebellious bulwark against capitalism. The People’s Republic of China – bigger than Vietnam, more remote than Cuba, more extreme than them both – looked the best alternative. Sympathy with Mao’s China merged with outrage over the mistreatment of American “internal colonies” – black, Latin and Asian American. Impressed by Mao’s denunciations of US foreign policy and expressions of solidarity with black rights, the militant wing of the African American liberation movement channelled Mao’s ideas to challenge the white American ruling establishment. The Black Panthers sold Little Red Books to generate funds to buy their first guns.
Following Mao’s death in 1976, and the PRC’s own denunciation of the Cultural Revolution as “10 years of chaos”, western enthusiasm for Mao faded. But in the developing world – above all in India and Nepal – his ideas remained powerfully appealing. There, Mao’s revolution represented a blueprint for political success apparently suited to poor, agrarian states that had suffered at the hands of colonialism. These leaders, paradoxically, have come from the educated classes of which Mao himself was so mistrustful. One – the privately educated brother of a Mumbai ice-cream entrepreneur – trained in London as a chartered accountant before declaring war on the Indian state.
Members of Naxalites, officially the Communist Party of India (Maoist), exercise at a temporary base in the Abujh Marh forests, Chhattisgarh, 2007. Photograph: Mustafa Quraishi/AP
India’s Maoist insurrection began with the Naxalite rebellion of 1967, one of the major regional explosions of Mao’s Cultural Revolution. While that earlier conflagration was for the most part extinguished in the early 1970s by a harsh state response, splinters of the original movement fought on. The Indian government currently claims that 20 of the country’s 28 states are affected by the Maoist insurgency, which it has called “the biggest internal security challenge facing our country”. This war owes its survival to Maoist groups’ readiness to attack some of India’s socioeconomic enormities, such as the hierarchical violence of the caste system and the racist exploitation suffered by the poorest tribal peoples. In the new millennium, the Maoists have gained further traction by linking their cause to environmental protests. After 2003, the Indian state – ambitious to increase revenues – began granting lucrative mining contracts to multinational corporations, especially in mineral-rich Chhattisgarh and Jharkhand. Maoist insurgents organised locals into resisting state and corporate efforts to empty land ready for industrial development.
Maoist civil war in Nepal started at 10pm on 12 February 1996, when 36 members of the Communist party of Nepal (Maoist) rushed a police station in Rolpa, in the north-west. (Apart from a motley assortment of home-made firearms, they possessed only one rusty rifle, dating from the late 1980s.) A decade later, the Nepali Maoists had fought their way to a position of decisive political influence. Pushing back against the firepower of the Nepali police and army, their People’s Liberation Army was 10,000 strong and had wrested 80% of Nepal’s territory from state control. Their armed rebellion was the principal reason for the collapse of the monarchy and the establishment of a federal republic in Nepal after 2006. Between 2006 and 2016, two leaders of the Maoists (both, like their Indian counterparts, high-caste) served between them three terms as prime minister of Nepal and many other senior party figures held government positions. Although they did not realise their original ambition – state capture resulting in unchallenged control of the country, as achieved by the Chinese Communist party – Nepal is now the only country in the world where you can encounter self-avowed Maoists in power.
There are major aspects of the Maoist heritage that strongman Xi Jinping is determined to suppress
Both these conflicts took place through and beyond the supposed end of the cold war. The Maoist insurgencies in Nepal and India blazed years after Francis Fukuyama declared that humans had reached “the end of history” with capitalism’s definitive victory over communism. Once you write Maoism back into the global history of the 20th century, then, you start to get a very different narrative from the standard one in which communism loses the cold war in 1989. Nowhere is this storyline clearer than in China. More than a quarter of a century since communism disintegrated in Europe and then in the USSR, China’s Communist party continues – seemingly – to flourish. Under its direction, China has become a world economic and political force. The CCP – its practice and legitimacy still dominated by Mao – has with quite extraordinary success recast itself as a champion of the market economy, while remaining a secretive, Marxist-Leninist organisation. Although Mao’s successor, Deng Xiaoping, mothballed the keynote policies of the Cultural Revolution – communes and mass-spectacle purges – Mao is still fundamental to the PRC’s political and institutional framework.
And large, unstable parts of the Mao cult continue to flourish beyond party control. After the CCP dismantled urban welfare and job security in the late 1990s, laid-off workers marched in protest, brandishing portraits of Mao, whom they acclaimed as the patron saint of workers’ rights. Neo-Maoists in China angry at the inequalities generated by the market and globalisation quote Mao’s Cultural Revolution incitement to rebel against the state. The CCP has done its best to co-opt, silence and suppress such dissenting tendencies. The latest eruption to trouble the government has been student “Marxist societies” founded in China’s top universities. In 2018 – to the chant of “Long Live Chairman Mao” – their members helped organise workers’ protests against corporate exploitation; plain-clothes police quickly “disappeared” them.
Idealistic young students and hard-headed party apparatchiks in China; power-hungry dreamers and dispossessed insurgents in the developing world; anti-establishment rebels in Paris, Berkeley, Pisa, Delhi – all have felt the unsettling, border-crossing impact of Maoism. We need to bring Mao and his ideas out of the shadows, and recast Maoism as one of the major stories of the 20th and 21st centuries.
• Maoism: A Global History by Julia Lovell is published by Bodley Head (£25). To order a copy go to guardianbookshop.com or call 0330 333 6846. Free UK p&p over £15, online orders only. Phone orders min p&p of £1.99.
So does China need a new Mao?
- President Xi Jinping is doing a very good job. He understands the internal contradictions of a system that is growing in wealth, but also that if the lives of the poor and the rural people are not improved along with those of the elites, then this will lead to many problems ahead.
- The government is working to reduce the level of inequality, which has been coming down since 2010.
- Universal healthcare was implemented in 2011. There is also a retirement plan. Additional benefits are planned on being added. In this way the increased wealth of the nation is working for the entire public. Contrast this with the U.S. and the West, which are seeking to reduce benefits for people and cut taxes to increase the wealth of the elites while jobs are being sent overseas.
- Wages for workers in the factories are increasing. However, automation is increasing around the world. If the wages become high enough that it is cost effective to relocate factories to Africa, that is likely to happen. At this point the infrastructure for manufacturing and the expertise is top notch, so companies would have to weigh these factors into whether to move or not.
- With this in mind China is working on the Belt and Road initiative, combined with a focus on high technology, the aim will be to concentrate on areas other than manufacturing to remain competitive. However, not everyone is up to working in high tech. What about them? Will there be a UBI or universal basic income? Or will the government provide jobs as was done during the Mao era and people could work in sectors like as caregivers for the sick, infrastructure projects, etc? Because China is run by the CCP, it has the power to plan the economy and make efficient decisions based on reason, not just placating a few wealthy oligarchs and corporations. This model is superior to the U.S. oligarchy model which calls itself “Western liberal democracy.”
The preferences of the average American appear to have a near-zero, statistically non-significant impact upon public policy. Government policy…reflects the wishes of those with money, not the wishes of the millions of ordinary citizens who turn out every two years to choose among the preapproved, money-vetted candidates for federal office… When citizens are relatively equal [economically], politics has tended to fairly democratic. When a few individuals hold enormous amounts of wealth, democracy suffers.”
Using data drawn from over 1,800 policy initiatives from 1981-2002, they conclude that rich, well-connected individuals on the political scene now steer the direction of the country, regardless of or even against the will of the majority of voters. “The central point that emerges from our research is that economic elites and organized groups representing business interests have substantial independent impacts on U.S. government policy,” they write, “while mass-based interest groups and average citizens have little or no independent influence.”
6. However, if the level of inequity starts rising again, and should the people of China become too focused on material wealth, and the poor are forgotten and ignored, then there will need to be a new Mao Zedong. He will lead the masses to another Cultural Revolution, one that will sweep away the bourgeois elements, tear down the rot, and start anew. Should the manufacturing jobs start to go away, and the government moves in the direction of neoliberalism like the U.S. and Russia did, or if the government starts pushing for Western style liberal democracy, deregulation, privatization, free trade, tax cuts for the wealthy, and stripping away social programs, then a new Mao Zedong is definitely needed.